Monday, September 7, 2009

Logic for Autistics

As a subject of investigation, logic has undergone a surge in development over the past one hundred fifty years, resulting in enhanced clarification of the topic and a wider application to much of human endeavor. Iconic names such as Boole, Peirce, Frege, Russell, Wittgenstein, Tarski and Gödel all have contributed groundbreaking insights, their advancements leading not only to transformations within the field of logic itself, but spawning also concomitant reappraisals in such areas as mathematics, science and linguistics. This past century and a half has seen logic's golden era.

Yet for all that, critical questions remain unresolved at logic's core. To put it bluntly, we still have not found an effective way to describe fundamentally what gives rise to logical properties, and perhaps just as importantly, we have yet to uncover a plausible explanation for how logic must have originated in man. How is it that humanity has come to possess logical abilities, given that the other animal species display no evidence of possessing similar abilities, and given that the arrival of these characteristics in man—at least their effective arrival—seems to have occurred only quite recently in the species' history?

These questions regarding logic's elemental traits have been pondered by a variety of logicians and philosophers, but in truth only a few have attempted to tackle the problem head on, and only one, Wittgenstein, has danced daringly close to an accurate answer. There is good reason these questions have remained unresolved: in retrospect, we are beginning to realize logicians and philosophers have been hampered in their efforts to understand logic's nature because they have been missing a vital piece of information, and without that piece of information they have been making the tacit assumption that logic must have arisen from an homogeneous form of human perception and cognition. It is only in the last few decades that humanity has begun to realize this tacit assumption is not altogether true and has begun to recognize within itself the condition that stands as the key to unlocking logic's core, a condition that reveals, most crucially, the nature of humanity's surprising cognitive composition.

In this essay I will attempt to shed light on the nature of logic's most fundamental characteristics, and I will offer an answer to the question of how logic first originated in man. I will address these matters not so much logically and philosophically as I will describe them biologically and anthropologically; for in short, it is autism that stands as the key to understanding logic. The thesis of this essay is that logic's fundamental characteristics are generated naturally and spontaneously out of the biological circumstances of autistic perception.


History. In the Western tradition, logic was dominated for more than two millennia by Aristotle's Organon and its emphasis on syllogistic reasoning. The Organon sounds surprisingly modern given its age of origin, but it also lacks enough expressive power to represent the full range of human cognition and inference, and thus in the mid-nineteenth century a revolution began that would quickly overthrow syllogistic logic's enduring reign.

The first stirrings of this revolution can be seen in the work of George Boole, who in likening his laws of thought to the operations of mathematics began a process of treating logic as a type of calculus, one best represented and best manipulated under the guise of a formal symbolism. Shortly thereafter and independently of each other, Charles Sanders Peirce in the United States and Gottlob Frege in Germany introduced several techniques that greatly expanded logic's expressive range—the use of quantifiers, a greater emphasis on relations, and a rigorous employment of functions and variables to illuminate the role of various logical elements. By the time such techniques were gathered under the compilative work of Bertrand Russell, who himself would add important insights on the process of denoting, logic had gained enough expressive power to state precisely nearly all the meaningful assertions that could be made under the headings of inference, mathematics and objective science, and it was upon this foundation that twentieth century logicians Alfred Tarski and Kurt Gödel applied logical technique to logic itself (metalogic) and developed surprising and paradoxical results regarding the power and range of any deductive calculus. Riding the crest of these many developments, modern logic would blossom by the end of the twentieth century (blossom too much, some might say) into a multi-faceted academic industry.

As can be gleaned from the above description, the majority of logic's recent developments have had the effect of changing the manner in which logic is done, but occasionally there have been logicians who have also paused to ask more fundamental questions, in particular to ask what exactly do these new logical developments mean, how are they to be related to human cognition and to the qualities of the experienced world. Gottlob Frege, for instance, frequently pondered the philosophical context of his logical and mathematical innovations, and in such classic works as Concept and Object, On Sense and Reference, and Thought: A Logical Investigation, Frege brings new perspectives to bear upon the notions of meaning, sense, language, object, concept, truth and world. One unusual and highly suggestive aspect of Frege's philosophy is the degree to which he strives ruthlessly to objectify his particular brand of logic. In positing True and False as actual objects of the external world, and in insisting again and again that non-scientific accounts (the stories of the Odyssey, for instance) possess sense but no actual reference, Frege appears to be making a determined effort to banish everything subjective from the privileged domains of logic, mathematics and scientific discourse; and one is left with the distinct impression that Frege's ultimate goal was to purify logic of every last ounce of human influence, as though such influence could only serve to mess things up.

Frege, along with Bertrand Russell, also had the noteworthy impact of inspiring and encouraging a young Ludwig Wittgenstein. Wittgenstein differs markedly from the other figures in logic's recent history in that he was never interested in developing logic so much as he was driven to describe it and to explain its role (its office, as he was inclined to say). And in a type of subconscious loyalty to his principle regarding the need to show instead of say, Wittgenstein throughout his far-ranging, sometimes fast-changing philosophical career seems to have embodied his most valuable logical insights as much as he managed to state them.

Wittgenstein's early philosophy, crystallized in the Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus, takes as its starting point the logical framework of Frege and Russell, but quickly adds to that framework an orthogonal extension designed to highlight logic's connection to experience, language and the world. And in a surprising twist that would have dismayed Frege (assuming Frege could have understood it), Wittgenstein takes the notion of objectifying logic, of purifying it of all human influence, and turns that notion completely on its head. In the Tractatus, Wittgenstein seems to be employing the tools of logic to construct a type of near solipsism, an inspired attempt, as it were, to animate Kierkegaard's cry of “truth is subjectivity” by outlining it with step-by-step instructions. On its surface, the Tractatus still sounds objective and logical, but viewed from within it reads as extraordinarily self-generated—Wittgenstein's startling depiction of the world as he found it, an embodiment of his both unique and universal form of perception.

Although Wittgenstein was initially convinced the Tractatus contained unassailable truth, he grew nonetheless ever more restless with its emphasis on formal logic, and upon returning to philosophy more than a decade after having finished the Tractatus, Wittgenstein began re-examining logic from an entirely different angle. This so-called later philosophy, gathered primarily in the posthumously published Philosophical Investigations, examines the structure and meaning of ordinary language, and emphasizes not only the role of propositional assertions, but also that of questions, commands and sudden exclamations. Wittgenstein begins to explore the impact of community and what he calls “forms of life” as he attempts to describe the communal scaffolding whereby structure and meaning are shared, and in contrast to both Frege's strident objectivity and to the Tractatus' strident subjectivity, Wittgenstein's later philosophy takes on the style and form of a mutual investigation, an investigation dealing in many ways with a natural history of man.

Academicians like to emphasize the break between Wittgenstein's early and late philosophies, but it should be noted that Wittgenstein's later work does not so much abandon the logic of the Tractatus as it attempts to supplement it. For a period of time Wittgenstein seriously contemplated a project in which the Tractatus would be published side-by-side with his new remarks, each text shedding light and contrast upon the other. Such a side-by-side project would have been visually significant for Wittgenstein, for it would have laid out structurally the nature of the problem most vexing him. Like nearly all the philosophers before him, Wittgenstein had assumed the traits of human logic flowed from a common well, and yet here he had been developing a lifetime of philosophical work—as sincerely as any philosopher ever could—that presented two extremely different aspects of human logic, each of which appeared to be valuable and viable, but each of which appeared to be irreconcilable. Thus it would have been difficult for Wittgenstein to recognize how his two combined philosophies, embracing and embodying these two different aspects of human logic, had managed in a certain sense to unveil logic's mysteries as accurately as anyone ever had, for it would have been difficult for him to reconcile logic's dual emanation from just a single source.

Wittgenstein, of course, lived well before the condition of autism became widely known and more completely described. If Wittgenstein had known about autism, if he had been given a thorough description of autism's distinctive form of perception, I am certain he would have recognized almost immediately autism's direct bearing on his dual presentation of logic. Wittgenstein, as much as anyone else, would have been able to recognize that here was an actual cause—not a philosophical or logical reason, but instead an actual biological and anthropological cause—for the two differing aspects of logic, aspects that as it turns out indeed warrant presentation side-by-side. With an accurate understanding of autism, we can see that the two aspects of logic have in fact two very real sources, sources emanating from the non-homogeneous composition of human cognition. And it is the first aspect of logic—the aspect Frege had tried to purify of human influence, the aspect Wittgenstein had employed in the Tractatus to construct his near solipsism, the aspect generally grouped by logicians under the heading of formal logic—it is that aspect of logic that arises naturally and spontaneously from the conditions of autistic perception.


Description. Autistic perception differs fundamentally from non-autistic perception.

The main characteristic of biological perception is its providing of a sensory foregrounding. Without foregrounding, each organism's broad array of sensory input would be experienced as undifferentiated and chaotic, and therefore it is critical that each organism be able to perceive some type of signal against its background of sensory noise. In the animal kingdom—and this would include man and his long history as a simple primate—evolution has forged a type of biological perception extremely well suited for survival and procreation, a type of perception best described by adjectives such as species-specific or species-focused. Each species member is born with a natural and spontaneous ability to focus primarily, if not exclusively, on the other members of the species and on the species' general interests and pursuits, and this ability allows each member to rapidly imitate the others and to assimilate to the species' overall behaviors. This form of focused perception is of course extremely valuable; it allows each population to coalesce around its own members and around its sources of shelter and food, and thus species-specific perception contributes in a fundamental way to the quest for viability. But it should also be noted that this form of perception is so powerful it blocks alternative forms of perception, and thus has the effect of locking each species into a tight biological immediacy. Nowhere in the natural world do we find evidence of comprehensive, detailed perceptions centered on, for instance, the shapes of geography, the cycles of botany, the patterns of weather, or the course of the celestial seasons, for nowhere in the natural world do these items ever manage to achieve perceptual foregrounding.

Although something has clearly changed man's perceptual capacity—broadening it remarkably in a very short period of time—for the large majority of humans, their natural and spontaneous form of biological perception can still be described unambiguously as being species specific. The early attentive focus of most children continues to gravitate to sensory impressions made upon them by other humans and by the population's behaviors and interests, and as happened not that long ago on prehistoric African plains, children today employ a species-specific perception to rapidly imitate others and to assimilate to the population's current behaviors. And despite mankind's unprecedented departure from circumstances once fraught with the struggles of survival and procreation, humans today continue to display a foremost interest in the biological concerns of species—sex, family, food, shelter, societal ranking. Man has remained for the most part a social and biological being, he has carried his evolutionary inheritance of a species-specific focus right with him into modern times, and it is these strong, lingering, foregrounding traits of a species-specific focus that define the distinguishing characteristics of non-autistic perception.

Autistic perception differs fundamentally from non-autistic perception in that autistic perception, to a significant degree, lacks this species-specific focus. The material cause for this difference remains unknown (a variety of genetic, neurological and biochemical hypotheses have been proposed, but so far none have proven enlightening); the characteristics of the difference, however, are apparent from observation alone. Observation reveals consistently that autistic individuals display considerably less perceptual preference for humans and human biological influences, and show much greater perceptual attention for an entirely different class of sensory features.

Recall that the main task of biological perception is to provide sensory foregrounding. If autistic individuals are not experiencing a natural and spontaneous foregrounding of human-specific features from their surrounding environment, then the question arises, what does foreground for them, if anything at all? Autistic individuals would appear to be at risk of large-scale sensory chaos and confusion, and there is some evidence that such a potential does exist, for many autistic individuals do report a variety of sensory difficulties that do not derive from any known physical cause. In general, however, autistic individuals do not experience complete sensory chaos and confusion; certain features from their surrounding environment do consistently foreground and emerge. These features possess the particular trait of being able to inherently stand out, they form an implicit signal against a background of sensory noise, and these features are what humans now categorize under the headings of symmetry, repetition, pattern, structure, mappings and the like. Unfettered by the strong species-specific focus characteristic of non-autistic perception, and in need of sensory foregrounding to avoid complete sensory confusion, autistic individuals are drawn to elements from the broadly arrayed environment that inherently emerge from the background, elements rich in pattern, structure and form. It is this natural and spontaneous foregrounding of such structural, mostly non-biological features from the surrounding environment that defines the distinguishing characteristic of autistic perception.

And here is the direct connection to formal logic: this basic process of implicit sensory foregrounding experienced within autistic perception corresponds exactly to the foundational components of formal logic.

The foundational components of formal logic can be classified in various ways—different logicians will use slightly different approaches—but almost any classification will include a detailed description of the following three core features of logic:

  • Objects

  • Concepts

  • Relations

These three core features of logic are in a certain sense undefinable, but it is possible to cast greater light upon their nature and upon their likely human origin by realizing that each of these core features corresponds to an aspect of foregrounding within autistic perception. Each core feature of logic corresponds to a particular type of implicit perceptual emergence from a background of sensory noise.


The notion object plays a role in all three core features of logic, but as a standalone target of investigation, object is probably best approached through the idea of an unanalyzable entity—an entity highlighted most often within formal logic through the use of a proper name. It would be difficult to suggest a notion more basic than that of object.

If we begin with an image of an undifferentiated biological perception (a sensory chaos, if you will) and envision the spontaneous emergence of a single, unanalyzable entity from within that perception, then we will have a rough model for the type of perceptual foregrounding that gives rise to the notion object. For non-autistic individuals, their natural inclination is to have other humans be the entities which foreground within their perception (and of course the naming of people has become an essential part of human discourse); but for autistic individuals, their basic experience of perceptual foregrounding, by necessity, must be more generic, and in consequence produces a more generalized paradigm for the notion object. Since autistic individuals lack in significant degree the ability to foreground human features from their surrounding environment, it becomes incumbent upon the sensory field itself to provide the characteristics that can implicitly emerge in autistic perception, and from the experience of autistic individuals, we know that such implicit emergence is provided most often by entities that embody such attributes as symmetry, repetition and pattern. The classic example from autistic experience would be the strong perceptual attraction of spinning objects—tops, wheels, ceiling fans. A spinning object strongly embodies visual symmetry and patterned repetition, and in an otherwise undifferentiated sensory environment, items such as ceiling fans inherently stand out, they are more easily (more naturally, more spontaneously) foregrounded against the background of sensory noise.

This description of the notion object is distinctive, because here, it is the entity itself which embodies the structural or patterned characteristic, and thus it is the entity itself which carries the impetus for its implicit foregrounding. As we will discover momentarily, objects encountered under the notions concept and relation are in a certain sense less distinctive, and thus are treated in formal logic more anonymously. But as a first step, it is important to consider separately, as we have here, this more distinctive version of the notion object, because its extremely simple and self-contained nature is highly suggestive of the more basic aspects of logic. For instance, the foregrounding/non-foregrounding dichotomy contained in the notion object hints at the binary nature underlying much of formal logic, including the binary nature of true and false. Furthermore, the essential accompaniment of such non-biological attributes as symmetry, repetition and pattern highlights the unique nature of object as experienced within autistic perception, and thus points to the source of mankind's cognitive separation from the remainder of the animal kingdom. And just as importantly, the solitary distinctiveness of the notion object, its unencumbered simplicity during sensory emergence, provides perhaps the most fundamental example available of the direct link between the characteristics of biological perception and the nature of human logic.

With the notion concept, unlike with the notion object, it is not the entity itself which embodies the structural or patterned characteristic; instead, with concept, it is more commonly the case that objects constitute the structural or patterned characteristic, and it is the characteristic itself, often abstract, that gives rise to the notion concept. Classic examples from autistic experience would include the lining up of toys or the rapt attention paid to a series of sounds produced in a repetitive temporal pattern (evenly-spaced claps, for instance). Note that each object by itself (each toy, each clap) would not tend to foreground within autistic perception, because each object by itself does not embody the structural characteristic necessary for it to be perceived against the background of sensory noise. Instead it is the formed concept (the straight line, the rhythm) which carries the symmetrical or patterned trait that allows it to implicitly emerge within autistic perception, and the constituting objects, in a certain sense, merely come along for the perceptual ride. It is the foregrounding of such structural, often abstract features that lies at the heart of the notion concept.

In formal logic, the notion concept was clarified greatly by the developments of the late nineteenth century, in particular by the introductions put forth by Frege. In adding quantifiers, variables and functions to the discourse and philosophy behind formal logic, Frege helped capture more precisely the essence of the notion concept. For example, in the use of a first-order logical formula such as “For all x: f(x),” it becomes apparent that it is the concrete objects that are being treated iteratively and anonymously, while it is the function itself, representing the concept, that carries all the distinctiveness of the statement. That is to say, it is the concept-representing function that foregrounds in such statements of formal logic, and such functional foregrounding reflects precisely the foregrounding of concepts within biological perception.

Furthermore, it would appear that the genesis of the notion concept seems to be particularly autistic, for nowhere else in the animal kingdom is there evidence of perceptual awareness directed towards structural, abstract concepts and neither is there evidence of such awareness in the early history of man. To contemplate a purely non-autistic version of the notion concept, we would need to consider the perceptual emergence of similar, but more biologically-distinctive features, and although such features are certainly thinkable and likely, these are features nonetheless quite different in kind from those of the usual notion concept. Thus the sudden expansion of human perceptive range, including its impact on the recent transformations in the culture of man, must be attributed in large measure to the introduction of abstract patterns and symmetries—the material of the notion concept—an introduction achieved primarily through the implicit, mostly non-biological foregrounding necessitated by the circumstances of autistic perception.

Relations, like concepts, are also constituted out of objects, but here, what gives rise to the perceptual foregrounding is not that the objects form into a particular structure or pattern, but that the objects consistently map to one another (in fact, under many scenarios, mapping would make a much better term than relation). If we start once again with an image of an undifferentiated biological perception, we can focus on those examples where two or more objects consistently co-appear within the sensory field—for instance, two flashes of light that always happen simultaneously, or one flash of light that always takes place at the same time as a particular sound. Each flash and each sound by itself would not tend to emerge in autistic perception, not without embodying some structural feature (as with distinctive objects), and the collection of flashes and sounds also cannot emerge in autistic perception, not unless that collection happens to constitute a discernible pattern (as with concepts). But the consistent mapping is enough all by itself, it is all that is required to break the background chaos and provide a means whereby to gain sensory foregrounding. It is when the consistent co-occurrence of two or more objects in the sensory field gains perceptual attention that we have a well-formed instance of the notion relation.

Relations have two important consequences. As suggested by the example of a light flash mapping to a particular sound, relations can arise from objects that map across sensory domains, and thus relations provide a useful framework for sensory integration in autistic perception. Note that non-autistic individuals already have a built-in framework for sensory integration; their focused perception on human-specific features provides a natural touch point for gathering experiences of sight, sound, touch, smell and even taste. But autistic individuals, without a similar perceptual focus, and with their experiences of objects and concepts frequently taking place in only a single sensory domain, find themselves in need of a perceptual mechanism that can tie together sensory experience, and the cross-domain potential of relations fits that need quite nicely. The other important consequence of relations is that they provide a paradigm for the invention of language. Language is a higher-level construct than the notion relation, but language follows a similar outline, for language is essentially a mapping, a mapping from biologically immediate artifacts onto entities and concepts not so biologically present. And as relations serve an integrative purpose in autistic perception, so too does language serve an integrative purpose for the entire human species: in the first place, language pulls together the expanded cognitive experience brought on by awareness of objects, concepts and relations, and furthermore language brings together the differing aspects of autistic and non-autistic perception, serving as the medium in which to blend autistic and non-autistic cognitive strengths, thereby fostering a perceptual transformation for all mankind.

The remainder of formal logic is by and large built up out of these three core features of logic—that is, the more complex logical components, such as propositions, logical product, logical sum, etc., these are constructed out of the various combinations of objects, concepts and relations. And from the perspective of autistic perception, this climb from simplicity through constructed complexity mirrors the developmental climb from childhood through maturity; autistic sensory foregrounding tends to become ever more sophisticated as basic perceptions, apprehended concurrently, are built into more complex perceptions based upon the emergence of the many permutations. Wittgenstein's Tractatus, in fact, unfolds in exactly this same manner, building up its version of logic out of objects and states of affairs (concepts and relations), combining these into propositions of limitless constructibility, and by extension, building up similar frameworks to describe the development of world and self. In the Tractatus, as no place else, we find constructive logic, developing autistic perception, and the author's own maturing self all being brought together into one tightly organized, self-reflecting mirror.


To be precise, in these discussions outlining the core features of logic, it is only the process of perceptual foregrounding that directly correlates to the topic of logic. The characteristics of what actually foregrounds—that is, the characteristics of structure, symmetry, pattern, and the like—these characteristics belong, technically speaking, to a different topic; they belong to mathematics. Visual symmetry and structure, for instance, make up the core material of geometry, and various types of repetition and pattern, these form the basis of arithmetic. As such, it is interesting to recall the Logicism projects of both Frege and Russell, who attempted to construct the entirety of mathematics on a foundation of formal logic, efforts ultimately dispelled by Gödel's incompleteness theorem. From the perspective of autistic perceptual foregrounding, one sees perhaps yet another reason why Logicism cannot entirely succeed, because within that foregrounding process the characteristics of logic and mathematics reveal themselves as inseparable, they are much like two sides of one coin. The foregrounding process itself (logic) would not be possible if there were not structural features in the sensory environment (mathematics) that could inherently emerge, and on the other hand, from the lack of mathematical awareness in the animal kingdom we know that the environment's non-biological structural features would remain entirely unapprehended if not for the presence of a form of perception in which such features could take a prominent place. Logic and mathematics are intricately intertwined, it appears to be hopeless to build either out of the other. Furthermore, we may as well add objective science into this same mix of inseparability; for with geometry being the basis of space, and with arithmetic being the basis of time, and with logical inference being the basis of scientific method, science's entire modus operandi is directly traceable to the characteristics of logic and mathematics, and therefore directly traceable to the characteristics of autistic perception. In a fundamental sense (and in a biological and anthropological sense), the topics of logic, mathematics and science form an uncleavable whole.

Finally, it should be noted that if foregrounding within autistic perception is to be identified as a logic—in this case, a formal logic—then foregrounding within non-autistic perception must also be identified as a logic. Humans have yet to develop a precise language for depicting this more species-specific version of perceptual foregrounding—its characteristics can be hinted at through the terminology of Darwinian and sociological principles, but such terminology is often too murky. It would be of immense value, however, to develop a more precise language for depicting species-focused forms of logic; for with such a language, alongside the language of formal logic, researchers could more accurately compare and contrast autistic and non-autistic perceptual characteristics. And nowhere would that precise investigation be more informative than in the area of linguistics.

Linguistics—the logic of human language—encompasses much too large a topic to be taken up here, but a general approach to linguistics emerges quite naturally as an extension to this current investigation of formal logic (thereby traveling much the same road as Wittgenstein did in proceeding from the Tractatus to the Philosophical Investigations). To outline it quite briefly, ordinary human language cannot be analyzed accurately until we recognize that human language derives historically and anthropologically out of a blending of both forms of human logic. The formal logic that arises out of autistic perception provides the impetus and much of the underlying structure for human language, while the biological, species-specific logic that is the birthright of non-autistic perception provides a substantial and significant addendum, one that above all else helps to disseminate language across the entirety of the human species. And until we can recognize and tease out these dual roots of a now thoroughly blended human language, we will continue to find linguistics to be a most puzzling subject, puzzling with respect to language's content, structure and origin. (See, for instance, Chapter 2, Section 2.3 of Noam Chomsky's Aspects of the Theory of Syntax and the “problem” described therein. Much of this so-called problem can be traced to the dual logical roots of human language, and although Chomsky's solution of dividing linguistic processing into a base phrase grammar—incorporating much of formal logic—and a separate supplemental lexicon—incorporating much of species-specific logic—although this solution points to a dual aspect and a dual origin of human language, Chomsky and his acolytes never seem to recognize this possibility for what it truly is.)


Two Concluding Observations. An observation to make regarding the history of modern logic is that nearly all its significant contributors have been individuals who have displayed behaviors and interests consistent with those of an autistic personality. With the possible exception of Tarski (who, although atypical in many respects, was clearly the most outgoing and collaborative of the group), modern logic was developed almost entirely by men who tended towards introversion, eccentricity and obsession, men whose biographies are filled with a clear preference for facts, objects and rules, and a clear discomfort for people, society and the demands of human convention. The autistic characteristics of Frege and Wittgenstein, for instance, seem nearly indisputable, and yet even these two examples would have to be described as mild compared to the more extreme cases of Peirce and Gödel, each of whom displayed eccentricities that might easily be interpreted as pathological.

There is nothing coincidental about this observation. The fields of logic, mathematics and science have always been saturated with personalities possessing autistic-like characteristics, a fact made more prominent when focusing on those individuals who have made the most significant and transformational contributions. Autistic individuals are drawn to such disciplines, they display a preternatural ability to be creative in such domains. The characteristics of logic, mathematics and science reflect exactly—indeed, were originated out of—the basic conditions of autistic perception. And it should be noted how recent and sudden has been the appearance of these disciplines within the culture of man; there is little, if any, evidence of their existence in mankind's more animal-like past. Thus the rise of logic, mathematics and science cannot be described as an evolutionary event but instead mirrors the rise of these disciplines' more proximate cause, mirrors the increasing significance and presence of autistic cognitive traits within the human population.

An observation to make regarding this essay's basic description of formal logic—as the process of inherent, non-biological foregrounding emerging from an autistic individual's background of sensory noise—is how closely this description matches the spontaneous activities of young autistic children. There exist many studies now that reveal autistic children's preference for perceptions and activities rich in non-biological pattern and structure over the perceptions and activities heavily influenced by human or biological form (see, for instance, here). And in a more informal sense, the many commonly reported behaviors of autistic children—lining up toys, spinning wheels, spinning tops, spinning selves, fascination with digits and letters, listening to the same song over and over, watching the same video again and again—such activities reveal the almost compulsive manner in which young autistic children focus primarily on the features of non-biological pattern and structure to be found in the world around them (exactly as this essay's basic description of logic and autistic perception would directly predict).

That autism researchers have been unable to make this observation themselves is indeed one of modern science's greatest travesties, for it derives from autism scientists not trying to understand autistic behaviors so much as they have been trying to destroy them. Drugs, behavioral therapies, other atrocities that go under the heading of early intervention—these have fast become the sole scientific means by which autism researchers now “investigate” the activities of young autistic children, and thus scientists remain entirely blind to the rich information these children have to impart.

The travesty must end.

If humanity's goal is to understand more fully the foundations and origin of its logical thinking, and if humanity's desire is to describe more accurately man's sudden transformation from animal into logical being, then humanity must end this all-too-common practice of brutally misunderstanding the key to its most vital logical questions, humanity must end this all-too-common practice of brutally misunderstanding its autistic individuals.

Friday, September 4, 2009

Turning Turing over in His Grave

I have no doubt that the current campaign to issue Alan Turing a posthumous apology is well intentioned, but I also have no desire to join that campaign.

If it had remained confined to a handful of Turing aficionados, a few who might have truly appreciated his contributions and the challenges he faced, then perhaps I could have been a little more sympathetic. But crowds frighten me, and I suspect they frightened Turing too. And when I see the likes of Dawkins and Grayling joining the throng, I know we have passed from well-intentioned campaign to well-intentioned farce. After all, these are the same professional and authoritative figures who would have been all too happy to condemn Alan Turing in the early 1950s, for of course, that is where the crowd's sentiment lay. It is of no surprise to find them signing up with the opposing legions a half century later, for all that is of consequence is that the legions have switched sides.

Revisionist history serves only to ease the current generation's pain.

Monday, July 6, 2009

Summer Break

I am going to be taking a break from blogging for the remainder of the summer. I need to catch up on some reading, and besides, my son seems to be on a mission to visit every water park and every amusement park within a 500 mile radius of our home, and I see no reason to disappoint him.

You can expect to see regular posts here again starting in early September.

Monday, June 29, 2009

“D” Words

Autistic individuals are frequently characterized by an assortment of “D” words: diseased, disordered, dysfunctional, disabled, dire, doomed, etc. I myself find none of these characterizations to be accurate, and indeed given the complex nature of autism, I doubt any one word is sufficient to capture the essential nature of the condition. But if I had to choose a word, if I were forced to pick a single adjective that best depicts the important characteristics of autistic individuals, I would propose an “A” word above all the “D” words: I would propose “askew.”

To be askew means to share much in common, and yet to possess enough distinction that the difference is consequential. This is the way I prefer to characterize the relationship between the autistic and non-autistic populations.

Askew is a strong enough word to underscore the challenges autistic individuals must face, how the efforts they must undertake to align with the larger portion of the human population are bound to produce great difficulties and some occasional pain. But askew also highlights that the relationship is reciprocal, and that the non-autistic population too has been impacted by autism's offbeat presence. When two mutually askew populations encounter each other, the force of their collision must change the outcome for each.

The non-autistic population primarily perceives its surroundings socially and biologically, in alignment with traits handed down via evolution. The autistic population primarily perceives its surroundings through the lens of non-biological structure and pattern, in alignment with the inherent form that organizes the physical world. Humanity now perceives its surroundings as a blend of both modes of perception, and has departed severely from its former way of being.

This sudden change in humanity's circumstance—a change defying every known principle of evolution—is the result of two askew populations coming rapidly together, each influencing each, with the consequent impact sending mankind off in an entirely different direction. And if I had to choose a word, if I were forced to pick a single noun that best depicts the important characteristic of this sudden alteration in humanity's course, I would propose a “D” word above all else: I would propose “destiny.”

Thursday, June 18, 2009

Corollaries of the Baron-Cohen, et al. Prevalence Paper

This post serves as a gathered collection of thoughts surrounding the paper recently published in the British Journal of Psychiatry, Prevalence of Autism-spectrum Conditions: UK School-based Population Study (Baron-Cohen, Scott, Allison, Williams, Bolton, Matthews, Brayne, 2009, hereafter referred to as PAC). Let me begin by stating that this post is not intended to be a commentary on PAC's methods or accuracy—epidemiology is well outside my knowledge domain and I can leave that analysis to others. My intention here is merely to consider the reported findings of the paper and to discuss how they, if confirmed, must call into question much of the conventional wisdom regarding autism, including conventional wisdom accepted by much of the autism research community.

The two main findings reported in PAC are 1) for the population studied (school children aged 5 to 9 living in Cambridgeshire), the rate of diagnosed autism-spectrum conditions is roughly 1.0%; and 2) for the same population, the true prevalence of autism—that is, the percentage of those who meet diagnostic criteria for an autism-spectrum condition, whether or not they have been officially diagnosed—is roughly 1.5%.

For the purpose of this discussion I am going to assume these findings will be confirmed, and furthermore, I am going to assume they will be found to be roughly applicable for many populations outside the study—for instance, the populations of the industrialized nations such as Canada, Great Britain, and the United States. This last assumption is of course a bit uncertain, because there are reasons to believe the Cambridgeshire population might possess unique characteristics affecting its autism rate; but as a rough measure, I think it not unreasonable to assume Cambridgeshire autism rates are similar to autism rates for many other geographic locations.

Finally, I am going to add one more assumption that is not a finding of PAC itself: I am going to assume the true prevalence of autism has remained steady over the last thirty years or so—that is, the true prevalence of autism (as defined in PAC) was 1.5% around 1980, and has remained near that level to the present day. Not everyone would agree with this assumption, of course, but there are many autism researchers who seem to indicate it is both plausible and likely, and those who do not agree with this assumption—that is, those who posit a recent “epidemic” of autism—face the daunting challenge of matching this “epidemic” assumption to everything else that is known about autism. Only time will tell which understanding is most correct, but the intention of this particular discussion is to consider the ramifications of assuming autism's prevalence has remained steady over recent decades.

In summary then, here are the findings and assumptions being addressed in this post, stated in such a way as to indicate they are being taken as accurate and broadly applicable:

  • The current rate of diagnosed autism (autism-spectrum conditions) for children aged 5 to 9 is 1.0%.

  • The current true prevalence of autism (diagnosed and undiagnosed) for children aged 5 to 9 is 1.5%.

  • The true prevalence of autism for children aged 5 to 9 has remained steady (near 1.5%) for at least the past thirty years or so.

These assumptions, taken as a group, lead to a number of corollaries, corollaries which have not been widely discussed but which should be considered, for they are surprising—surprising in that they defy much of the conventional wisdom already established around the subject of autism. These corollaries would include:

  • The vast majority of autistic adults are undiagnosed.

  • Autism is (on average) too non-disruptive to be considered a disorder.

  • Autism is too common to be considered a disorder.

  • The so-called “advantage” of early diagnosis, treatment, and intervention is highly questionable.

All these corollaries follow directly from the above-listed findings and assumptions. Let me discuss each corollary in turn:


The vast majority of autistic adults are undiagnosed. “Autistic” in this context means someone who could have received (or did receive) a diagnosis of autism as a school-aged child under the conditions and criteria set forth by PAC, notwithstanding how such an individual might then present as an adult. If we consider the circumstances of thirty years ago (and using the findings and assumptions listed above), this means 1.5% of the school-aged population around 1980 qualified as “autistic” under this definition, and since mortality rates appear not to differ significantly between autistic and non-autistic populations, that same 1.5% rate of autism prevalence still roughly holds for the adult population currently approaching the age of forty. By extension, we can expect a similar rate of autism prevalence throughout the entire adult population.

There are a variety of estimates given for the rate of diagnosed autism some twenty to thirty years ago. For convenience, I am going to assume the rate of diagnosed autism in school-aged children around 1980 was roughly 1 in 1000. That appears to be consistent with many of the estimates provided, and besides, the exact number is not nearly as important as the scale of difference from current rates, for any large scale difference is going to demonstrate the point that most autistic adults today are undiagnosed. For instance, if we assume the diagnosed rate of autism was 1 in 1000 in 1980 while the true prevalence of autism was holding steady at 1.5%, this means that for every school-aged autistic child who was diagnosed with autism in 1980, there were approximately 14 school-aged autistic children who were going undiagnosed. This is a tremendous gulf of difference from the present-day ratio arising out of PAC (two diagnosed for every one undiagnosed by the assumptions of this discussion; three diagnosed for every two undiagnosed by the more exact statistics presented in PAC).

It is true that some of these undiagnosed autistic children from 1980 would have received an alternative diagnosis (such as mental retardation or childhood schizophrenia), and it is also true that some of these individuals would have received an autism-spectrum diagnosis later in life. But no statistics regarding diagnostic substitution or adult-age diagnoses can account for the majority of these children who would have qualified as “autistic” back in 1980 (by PAC criteria) but who did not receive an actual diagnosis at that time. There is only one conclusion that can possibly match to the numbers and assumptions: the vast majority of autistic individuals went undiagnosed as children in previous years, and have remained undiagnosed as adults through the present day.


Autism is (on average) too non-disruptive to be considered a disorder. There are two ways of looking at this particular corollary: the first arises from consideration of the previous corollary alongside a contemplation of what must be the status of undiagnosed autistic adults who are living today, and the second arises from an examination of the expectations held for most present-day school-aged children who qualify as autistic under the conditions and criteria set forth in PAC.

If the vast majority of autistic adults living today are indeed undiagnosed, then their circumstances cannot be all that dire. If their circumstances were dire, they would be much easier to find. But the institutions are not overflowing with these individuals, and they do not seem to have congregated in other discernibly poor locales. There is only one possible location where so many undiagnosed autistic adults can remain so perfectly well hidden, both to themselves and to others, and that is within the normal confines and conditions of general human society. That is to say, they are living quite ably and quite abundantly among us. Individual outcomes will of course have varied greatly, from extremely negative to quite good, but such a range of outcomes is no different from what might be anticipated for the non-autistic population. When we examine those school-aged children from around 1980 who could have received a diagnosis of autism (by the criteria of PAC) but who did not actually receive such a diagnosis, and when we consider the circumstances that the majority of those individuals must find themselves in today, we are forced to conclude either that their autistic characteristics did not preclude them from assimilating into general adult society or that any early difficulties these individuals might have faced, without treatment and without recognition, simply eased with time. Either way, to apply the term “disordered” to such a large, well-assimilated group of individuals would necessitate a complete overhaul of modern-day semantics.

And the conclusion turns out to be no different when applied to today's autistic children, such as those who were studied in PAC. Starting with the ones who have been diagnosed with an autism-spectrum condition, it must be noted that the expectations are quite promising for a large percentage of these children. Although terms such as “high-functioning,” “Asperger syndrome,” and “mild autism” are too inconsistently applied to be statistically useful, they do indicate there is an anticipation with many diagnosed autism-spectrum children that they will be able to progress through school, possibly attend college, obtain work, and in general assimilate in some fashion to the typical circumstances of general human society. And if these are the expectations for many of the diagnosed autistic children, it must be even more so for the many autistic children who have remained undiagnosed. Although the PAC authors do not describe in detail the life circumstances of the children they categorize as undiagnosed, if I am reading between the lines correctly, the suggestion seems to be that these are children who for the most part possess diagnosable characteristics of autism but who have not been regarded as being troubled enough to be brought in for an actual diagnosis. If so, then one has to surmise the expectations are again quite good for these children, certainly no different in kind than the expectations held for most non-autistic children, and when we add the size of this group to the number of diagnosed autistic children for whom expectations are also quite positive, the notion that most autistic children are somehow in the grip of a dreadful disorder rings clearly false, for it does not match the anticipated outcomes for the large majority of these children.

None of this is to deny the circumstances of autistic individuals who face greater challenges, for they certainly exist too and are in need of a greater understanding, but the findings of PAC, along with the assumption that true autism prevalence has remained steady over recent years, leads to an inevitable conclusion that for the vast majority of autistic individuals, their autism is not so disruptive as to prevent eventual assimilation into general human society, and is not so disruptive as to warrant use of the term “disordered.”


Autism is too common to be considered a disorder. At 1.5%, autism's prevalence approaches nearly the same scale of prevalence as is seen in left-handedness and homosexuality, and as history has suggested with these and other lifelong conditions, an attempt to medicalize and demonize such a large portion of the human population leads only to unresolvable tension, rampant misunderstandings and needless suffering. Ultimately, such a course cannot be sustained.

Indeed, if a 1.5% rate of autism prevalence holds throughout the entire human population, we are talking about nearly one hundred million people all told, the large majority of whom (by the numbers alone—you cannot find one hundred million people residing in institutions) must be participating relatively productively and relatively well within the circumstances and conditions of general human society. To describe such a large segment of humanity as “disordered” and to classify its unifying condition as somehow “tragic” runs counter to all forms of medical and scientific logic. Humanity has been down this misguided path before; it should know well enough by now not to go down that path again.


The so-called “advantage” of early diagnosis, treatment, and intervention is highly questionable. If the PAC findings are accurate, and if the true prevalence of autism has remained steady over recent decades, then it is only quite recently that the majority of autistic children have begun to be exposed to diagnosis, treatment and intervention; before now, most autistic children went undiagnosed, untreated and unintervened, and as the discussions of the previous corollaries have demonstrated, most of these children must have been able to develop, progress and assimilate into general human society with a relative degree of success. It is against that background that judgments of diagnosis, treatment and intervention should always be made; but in reality, that background is almost always ignored.

When a research team announces that a form of treatment can lead to positive outcomes (usually defined as removal of autistic behaviors) for say 50% of the autistic children being studied, this news is typically greeted with great fanfare, for the unstated assumption behind such joy is that without treatment, without intervention, these children would invariably experience extremely negative outcomes, full of “terrible” autistic behaviors and leading inevitably to eventual institutionalization. But the findings of PAC clearly demonstrate that this unstated assumption is not just a little bit false but indeed is grotesquely false. The normal outcome, the expectation, is that autistic children will develop, progress and assimilate to human society, and this includes (most especially includes) those autistic children who do not experience diagnosis, treatment and intervention. Rather than greeting announced results of “50% positive outcomes” with great fanfare, we should instead be responding with extreme horror: how could a proposed treatment possibly be doing so much harm?

Indeed, when considering the findings of PAC, one would almost have to make the cheeky assertion that the most promising form of autism treatment is to remain undiagnosed. I do not myself want to be quite so cheeky, because I do believe early recognition of autism has the potential to create benefits for autistic individuals. But if the form of those “benefits” continues to be treatments and interventions aimed at combating a pseudo disorder, then I am forced to remind the autism research community that the findings of PAC suggest quite strongly that most autistic individuals were much better served in an era in which they went entirely unrecognized.


These four corollaries—derived only from the findings of PAC, along with the additional assumption that true autism prevalence has remained steady over recent decades—reveal an image of autism that runs diametrically counter to the image offered by autism's conventional wisdom. From the findings of PAC, autism emerges as a condition both common and healthy, and a condition that leads in most instances to a predictable developmental course (albeit a course somewhat different than the norm), a course of growth and eventual assimilation into general human society.

The more commonly held vision—that autism is instead a tragic brain disorder leading, without treatment and without intervention, to frightening consequences—this conventional wisdom has arisen out of autism's volatile diagnostic history, having taken hold at a time when only the most troubling cases were being recognized and autism was considered to be a circumstance exceedingly rare. But as autism's diagnosable characteristics have become more crystallized, and as it has become more apparent that those characteristics can be applied to far more cases—including many cases not nearly so troubling—autism's conventional wisdom has remained nonetheless quite stubborn, has refused against all logic to be dislodged, and thus continues to hold sway within nearly the entire autism research community.

Surely the PAC findings must be the final straw.

There is only one conceivable way to accept PAC's findings while continuing to cling to autism's conventional wisdom, and that is to negate the added assumption, to claim that instead of holding steady over recent decades, autism's true prevalence has been rapidly increasing. And because I suspect autism researchers will remain unwilling to let go of autism's conventional wisdom, that negation will now be put forward with a much greater urgency, and the holy grail hunt for the source of autism's sudden surge will continue to expand both far and wide—from proposed floods of fetal testosterone to endless laundry lists of suspicious environmental toxins. But as researchers are attempting to bridge that enormous gap between purported cause and established effect, allow me to offer instead the more promising prospects of moving decidedly on. Letting go of autism's conventional wisdom requires only very little and entails not a single moment's wait for new discoveries. Letting go of autism's conventional wisdom requires only the confirmation of PAC's reported findings, along with an acceptance that autism has been significantly present within the human population for a very long time.

Monday, June 8, 2009

Anti-Evolution

At the time of the great leap forward, Steven A. Pinker, with nothing amiss in genes, neurons, brain or ego, fails to graduate high school, fails to earn advanced degree, fails to publish a single work, fails to gain appointment to any prestigious institution, and fails to comprehend the first clue as to why.

Fifty thousand years later, all is rectified—except of course the latter.

Saturday, June 6, 2009

Darwin's Corpse

I sometimes feel as though I have been sent here—ill-equipped as I am—to reclaim science from all the scientists. I wake up each morning and sense Darwin has been somehow kidnapped, tortured and murdered, and the duty has fallen on me to go retrieve his mutilated corpse.

Take this passage from Steven Pinker's The Language Instinct, enough to make any admirer of Darwin utterly despair:

Evolution often produces spectacular abilities when adversaries get locked into an “arms race,” like the struggle between cheetahs and gazelles. Some anthropologists believe that human brain evolution was propelled more by a cognitive arms race among social competitors than by mastery of technology and the physical environment. After all, it doesn't take that much brain power to master the ins and outs of a rock or to get the better of a berry. But outwitting and second-guessing an organism of approximately equal mental abilities with non-overlapping interests, at best, and malevolent intentions, at worst, makes formidable and ever-escalating demands on cognition.

Of the many problems plaguing evolutionary psychologists, certainly none can be more troubling than this collectively appalling grasp of evolution. It as though all have found themselves the summertime denizens of a freshman remedial biology class, and have decided to make a cause célèbre out of their combined ignorance.

Friday, June 5, 2009

Distributor Wires, the Human Brain, and Wittgenstein's Motto

Arguing that genes can be essential to human grammar without having to be sufficient for an entire account of human grammar, Steven Pinker in his book The Language Instinct employs the following apt analogy: removing the distributor wire prevents a car from moving, but that does not mean a car is controlled by its distributor wire.

Pinker then fails to realize his analogy is just as apt when applied to the human brain.


Science at its best was once a glorious exercise in the broadening of human context. If one wishes to comprehend the enduring appeal of the discoveries of Newton, Darwin and Einstein for instance, one should consider how each man re-described the surroundings of his problem, and thereby helped the problem disappear.

Today's scientists—the many Pinkertons among us—have forgotten this notion of context, and thus we have details and data coming out our ears, but little expansion of the human horizon.


The brain is indeed essential to language, learning, intelligence, etc.—remove it, and a human being will experience none of these. But as the distributor wire does not explain the motion of a car, the human brain does not provide an entire account of our expanding cognitive glory. The motto here is always: take a wider look around.

Friday, May 29, 2009

Griswold's Conjecture

For the time being, I am going to name the following statement Griswold's Conjecture:

Employment of early intervention for children diagnosed with autism leads on average to poorer outcomes than would have been the case without such intervention.

For the purpose of this conjecture, “early intervention” is defined as any technique administered to autistic children with the intent of ameliorating or removing autistic behaviors and attributes. Examples would include applied behavioral analysis, pharmacology and chelation.

I am uncertain if anyone else has attempted to state a similar hypothesis (and if they have, I will gladly rename the conjecture), but I believe it is important to place this statement as formally as possible within the autism debate arena; for at the present moment, the autism research community is unabashedly assuming its negation. In nearly every research article and in nearly every accompanying press release, autism scientists can be heard repeating the mantra that early intervention greatly improves outcomes for autistic children. The correct reply to such statements should be, “Really? So you have disproven Griswold's Conjecture? Can you show me your results?”



With increased awareness and diagnosis of autism, it has become more and more apparent that in the past most autistic individuals went entirely unrecognized. Therefore, many of these individuals would have been raised in circumstances similar to non-autistic individuals, and would not have been exposed to intervention techniques designed to lessen or remove their autistic characteristics. Although specific outcomes would have varied greatly, statistics make it clear most of these individuals did not end up in institutions or in other similarly poor circumstances. In all likelihood, many of these individuals—perhaps a sizeable majority—somehow made their way into general adult society, more or less indistinguishable from the other members of the population.

Today, circumstances have changed greatly. More and more autistic children are being exposed to early intervention techniques targeted specifically to the amelioration or removal of autistic behaviors and attributes, and there is a growing body of anecdotal evidence suggesting these techniques lead to very poor outcomes (see for instance here, here and here). Without further investigation, it remains unclear whether early intervention does not in fact produce exactly the opposite result from what the autism research community intends, does not produce a very large increase in negative outcomes for autistic individuals.

Therefore, I am placing this challenge before the autism research community: disprove Griswold's Conjecture, or else quit assuming its negation.

Saturday, May 23, 2009

Searle

Another of Derrida’s non-identical twins.
So many approachable works—
Like a stash of Chrysler building replicas
Fashioned from styrofoam blocks.
(And it must be admitted,
There is a certain amount of talent
Required for a portfolio like that.
And it must be admitted,
The graduate school audiences
Prefer their buildings that way.)

Of course the trouble with approachable works
Is they dare an approach,
And up close,
We see no business is ever conducted in a building like that—
No elevators rising and falling,
No boardroom dramas between dusk and dawn,
No graphite pencils ground to their messy point.
Up close,
It resembles not a building at all—
For that, one keeps a safer distance.

Far removed from campus,
The child without siblings,
The child without peers,
Dares to slice the styrofoam to ribbons,
Crushes the blocks for pellets,
Burns the plastic down to goo,
And beyond that flotsam books uncertain passage
Over fathom-rich seas.
Searle (your brethren too)—
It is of no use to craft life preservers
From the material of a philosophy professor’s chair.

Thursday, May 14, 2009

Ray of Light

From the darkness known as IMFAR 2009, there appears to have emanated at least one small ray of light. In a poster presentation entitled The Level and Nature of Autistic Intelligence II: What about Asperger Syndrome? (Mottron, Soulières, Gernsbacher, Dawson, 2009), the Mottron team adds further detail to its previous paper The Level and Nature of Autistic Intelligence (Dawson, et al., 2007), this time demonstrating that individuals with Asperger Syndrome (defined as individuals diagnosed with some form of autism, but without presentation of various forms of communication difficulties) evince the same pattern of Raven's versus Wechsler intelligence scores as was demonstrated by the autistic population studied in the 2007 paper.

I do not want to make too much of an abstract from a poster presentation, but the findings here are important in at least one respect. Much of the response to the 2007 paper focused on the idea that the Raven's test is essentially non-verbal, with the suggestion being that the better performance of autistic individuals on the Raven's test could be accounted for by the fact that Raven's bypasses autistic language difficulties, whereas Wechsler does not. That suggestion, however, is misleading, and the 2009 poster presentation reveals the flaw, for it demonstrates that in general all autistic individuals—with strong verbal abilities or not—show a similar pattern of test results. This means that something more than just verbal strengths and weaknesses is being captured in the autistic pattern of Raven's/Wechsler intelligence scores.

In my opinion, the differential performance of autistic individuals has far more to do with the question domain of the respective tests than it has to do with whether the tests are “verbal” or not: the question domains of some tests match well to autistic intellectual strengths, the question domains of others do not. Tests like Raven's and the block design subtest of Wechsler contain questions built strongly around pattern recognition and structural manipulation—a type of question that matches well to the non-biological, pattern-oriented focus that is characteristic of autistic perception. The questions of the other Wechsler subtests (comprising quite the hodge-podge) in varying degree are less pattern oriented, and they also tend to contain more culturally derived elements, elements that autistic individuals are perhaps less likely to perceive with ease.

These intelligence studies, spearheaded mostly by Michelle Dawson, are quite simple in scope and design, but they have revealed an unexpected result (at least, unexpected by the autism research community): autistic intelligence is much different in kind than non-autistic intelligence, and autistic intelligence cannot be explained away by assuming it is nearly the same as non-autistic intelligence, with just an assortment of defects tacked on.



This is a good occasion to highlight the unique role Michelle Dawson now occupies within the autism research community. Ms. Dawson is unlike any other researcher in autism's now vastly overcrowded field—for Ms. Dawson does not possess a slew of post-graduate degrees, Ms. Dawson has not patiently worked her way up through the hierarchical ranks, Ms. Dawson has not been shedding pieces of her scientific soul in order to remain part of the gathering throng. Ms. Dawson's presence in the autism research community is due almost entirely to her autism and to her intelligence, and due to the fact that Laurent Mottron has had enough discernment and courage to recognize Ms. Dawson's talent and vision and to incorporate her efforts into his research team's work. The results have been electrifying, for the Mottron team is now the only autism research team to have moved firmly away from the autism-as-disorder orthodoxy and to have provided valuable insights into the nature of autistic individuals as they truly are. The entire Mottron team deserves credit for these many contributions, but it also clear the inclusion of Ms. Dawson has had a catalyzing effect.

When will the rest of the autism community learn the importance of this lesson?

Inclusion of autistic individuals leads to intuitive, hard-to-see-otherwise insights about the nature of autism. Exclusion of autistic individuals leads only to a continuing blindness.

Monday, May 11, 2009

In Response to Harold Doherty

I am responding to Harold Doherty's post here, because Mr. Doherty has been known to edit and censor comments on his own blog.

It is important to note that I am not describing Deborah Fein's study as “fictitious,” I am describing Mr. Doherty's version of it as fictitious. The description in Mr. Doherty's original post does not appear to match any presentation made by Dr. Fein at IMFAR 2009. Mr. Doherty has picked up phrases from media reports, such as “years of intensive behavioral therapy,” and made them an actual part of Dr. Fein's study/presentation, when in fact it appears there is no basis for doing so. He then uses this pseudo study as “evidence” in support of the effectiveness of applied behavioral analysis (ABA). Dr. Fein appears to have provided no such evidence.

Mr. Doherty is correct in that Kristina Chew appears to have made the same assumptions about Dr. Fein's study as Mr. Doherty has. Ms. Chew, on the other hand, has not been so adamant about employing such assumptions as “evidence.”

I think Michelle Dawson has the best advice for all of us. Drawing conclusions from media reports and abstracts is a dangerous business. I will admit to some frustration about the general inaccessibility of much autism research, but it still behooves those of us who wish to participate in the autism debate arena to make sure we have as much accurate information at our disposal as is reasonably possible.

That said, I stand by my original assessment: Mr. Doherty's description of a particular ABA/recovery study does not appear to match any such study. Mr. Doherty is free to provide a link to that study if he really wishes to engage in “evidence.”


[Update 05/16/2009: Be sure to read these observations and informative discussion from someone who actually attended Deborah Fein's presentation at IMFAR.]

Sunday, May 10, 2009

Harold Doherty's Fictitious ABA Study

You have to give Harold Doherty credit for trying. Apparently flummoxed by the lack of real autism science in support of applied behavioral analysis (ABA), Mr. Doherty has responded by concocting an ABA study pretty much out of thin air.

Mr. Doherty's technique this time was to lift some random words from a Washington Post article in order to create the following description of a study presented at this year's International Meeting for Autism Research (IMFAR): “a study was presented at an autism conference by University of Connecticut psychology professor Deborah Fein showing recovery of between 10 and 20% of subjects originally diagnosed as autistic who were later determined to have lost the autism diagnosis after years of intensive applied behavioral analysis.”

Except...

Both a perusal of the Washington Post article and an examination of search results from the IMFAR conference reveal that no such study exists. Deborah Fein did make a presentation at IMFAR regarding a study describing the various characteristics of children defined as “recovered,” but that study was not a long-term study of children under intensive ABA treatment, and that study did not draw any conclusions about the effectiveness of various forms of treatment. Nearly everything in Mr. Doherty's description turns out to be the product of his overactive and not very insightful imagination.

But here is the real irony: if Mr. Doherty's fictitious study were in fact an actual study, it would have devastating consequences for Mr. Doherty's own ABA advocacy. The problem, of course, is that a 10-20% recovery rate is a shockingly low number. The history of autism diagnosis, in which the vast majority of autistic individuals once went entirely unrecognized (and thus by Deborah Fein's definition, would have to be deemed as fully recovered) would suggest the corresponding recovery rate under no treatment at all runs significantly higher than a mere 10-20%. Thus, it would appear the use of ABA on the children in Mr. Doherty's fictitious study has had a tragically negative effect.

Here would be my suggestion to Mr. Doherty: the next time he decides to gild the ABA lily, perhaps he should do a little more gilding in favor of his own side.


[Update 05/16/2009: Be sure to read these observations and informative discussion from someone who actually attended Deborah Fein's presentation at IMFAR.]

Saturday, May 9, 2009

Katie Wright and the Autism Time Machine

On the surface it would appear Katie Wright and I have much in common. We each have a son (of nearly identical age) who is autistic, and we each have been less than impressed with the goings-on at IMFAR 2009. Perhaps I should consider ringing up Ms. Wright so that we might share our similarities over a cup of coffee.

Except...we share no similarities.

In the first place, one of us has a son who is regarded as being as near to perfect as he can possibly be, a true blessing to be enjoyed for every single one of his traits, including—and indeed, most especially—his autistic traits. The other has a son who seems to be regarded as little more than a set of inflamed bowels.

And as for IMFAR, although I can certainly agree with Ms. Wright's assessment that IMFAR's scientists have become stuck in a kind of treacherous time warp—a spinning of the same gerbil's wheel again and again and again—my suggestion would be not to set the time machine back to an era of voodoo and the traveling medicine show, but instead to try something astonishingly new, to envision autistic individuals as people not disordered or diseased, to respect them for exactly who they are, to encourage them to thrive as they were autistically meant to be. Since this approach has not been tried in the past or in the present, I think it would be safe to call it a treatment for the future.

But Ms. Wright would rather we overthrow all the stale neurobiology, genetic studies, mice models, pharmacology, and all the rest, by substituting instead chelation alchemy, lupron elixers, anti-vaccination incantations and biomedical binging. “Eye of newt and toe of frog, wool of bat and tongue of dog”—that would appear to be the formula most befitting Ms. Wright's logic and modernity.

As I suggested to Mark Blaxill, that other Age of Autism denizen, if Ms. Wright really wishes to gain some insight into why the autism community—and I mean all the autism community—seems to be so stuck in time and unable to forge ahead, perhaps she should consider how much she actually has in common with all those IMFAR scientists she mistakenly supposes are on the opposing team. What she and they share are the conviction that autism is a dreadful disease, a terrible disorder, something in need of being cured, destroyed, eradicated, and if Ms. Wright really wishes to know why the entire autism community has become so irretrievably mired in a thickening mud, there can be found her backwards looking answer.

So instead of ringing up Ms. Wright for that cup of coffee chat, I would rather leave her with just a simple message: the substitution of one set of atrocities with a different set of atrocities is not the same thing as making progress.

Wednesday, May 6, 2009

IMFAR 2009

This week sees the annual gathering of autism researchers known as IMFAR (International Meeting for Autism Research). These conventional affairs always carry the danger of being rather dreary occasions, but judging from the 2009 program guide, it would seem a spirited attempt has been made to jazz up this year's event by casting it into a bacchanalic celebration of everything autistically dysfunctional—noxious neurobiology, genetic degeneracy, molecular malfeasance, morbid comorbidity—a veritable gorge-fest of autism as disorder and disease.

I am uncertain when science will eventually turn in favor of autistic individuals, and be no longer lined up against them—certainly not soon enough for my own taste—but when science does begin to make that turn, I hope the names of Lord, Bear, Scherer, etc. are not then quickly forgotten. Mass ignorance is no excuse for the atrocities being spewed forth by such researchers, for indeed, where do we think mass ignorance originates. From the very beginning, there were unmistakable signs that autism-as-defect was inaccurate, harmful and prejudicial, and researchers such as Lord, Bear, Scherer, etc.—no matter what excuses they may happen to give—they have simply chosen to ignore those signs.

When science eventually does make that turn, let us have the courage to look back in a kind of sickening wonder, look back on that lugubrious jubilee known as IMFAR 2009.

Monday, May 4, 2009

Thanks. Now Here Is the Back of Our Hand.

It is amazing how articulate autistic children can be, and just as amazing how dense and cruel autism research scientists can be in response.

A little more than a month ago, press releases were circulated regarding the results of a report published online by the journal Nature, Two-year-olds with Autism Orient to Non-social Contingencies Rather than Biological Motion (Klin, Lin, Gorrindo, Ramsay, and Jones, 2009). Here is the report’s introduction:

Typically developing human infants preferentially attend to biological motion within the first days of life. This ability is highly conserved across species and is believed to be critical for filial attachment and for detection of predators. The neural underpinnings of biological motion perception are overlapping with brain regions involved in perception of basic social signals such as facial expression and gaze direction, and preferential attention to biological motion is seen as a precursor to the capacity for attributing intentions to others. However, in a serendipitous observation, we recently found that an infant with autism failed to recognize point-light displays of biological motion, but was instead highly sensitive to the presence of a non-social, physical contingency that occurred within the stimuli by chance. This observation raised the possibility that perception of biological motion may be altered in children with autism from a very early age, with cascading consequences for both social development and the lifelong impairments in social interaction that are a hallmark of autism spectrum disorders. Here we show that two-year-olds with autism fail to orient towards point-light displays of biological motion, and their viewing behaviour when watching these point-light displays can be explained instead as a response to non-social, physical contingencies—physical contingencies that are disregarded by control children. This observation has far-reaching implications for understanding the altered neurodevelopmental trajectory of brain specialization in autism. This study points in a number of interesting directions.

The report goes on to describe this study in more detail, outlining how autistic children and control groups were shown side-by-side videos of point-light animations formed from scenarios played out by human actors, with one display being shown right side up and forwards running in time (so that the light points had some resemblance to human motion), the other display being shown upside down and backwards running in time (so that the light points had a fairly random appearance and were not synchronized to the accompanying sound track). Using eye gaze as a measure, the non-autistic control groups were shown to have more preference for the right-side-up display, whereas the autistic children were shown to have no particular preference for one display or the other. This was apparently the initial purpose of the study, to show that non-autistic children have a normal, and therefore “healthy,” response to biological motion, whereas autistic children do not: one more wood chip on the autism-as-disorder lumber pile.

However, in one of the trials, where the human actor was playing pat-a-cake (with the clapping sound prominent on the sound track), the researchers noticed that a fifteen-month-old autistic girl—who in the other trials was showing preference for neither of the displays—was in this case evincing a clear and intense preference for the upright image. Since it was only in the upright image that the clapping sound corresponded to the motions of the point-light display, the researchers wondered if it was the synchronized clapping that the autistic girl was responding to, and after re-examining all their data—and after developing further trials to confirm their “serendipitous” discovery—the researchers concluded that a preference for non-biological pattern was consistent and significant across the entire autistic study group. The overall findings of the study were therefore greatly enhanced, such that they could be summarized in the following manner:

  • Non-autistic toddlers respond preferably to human biological motion, and do not respond preferably to non-biological pattern.
  • Autistic toddlers respond preferably to non-biological pattern, and do not respond preferably to human biological motion.
  • Neither group responds preferably to random sensory noise.

To be honest, these findings are not nearly as new as the report’s press releases would have us believe—they are consistent with many other findings regarding the primary distinctions between autistic and non-autistic perception—but the study’s enhanced conclusions are at least more valuable than they would have been based on what the researchers initially had in mind, for the enhanced conclusions provide a more accurate picture of what autistic perception naturally is, as opposed to just another worn-out description of what autistic perception is not (not to mention, the enhanced results add to our knowledge about non-autistic perception as well). It would seem, therefore, that the study’s researchers owe a debt of gratitude to that articulate autistic girl who pointed them in the right direction, for it was after all she who helped them see what had actually been in front of their eyes all along.

And how did the autism research community decide to repay this debt of gratitude? Why, it repaid this girl in the same fashion autism researchers have always responded to articulate autistic children—by giving her the back of their hand.

Here is a sampling of quotations given in response to the Klin, et al. study:

From Ami Klin, the study’s lead author: “Our hope is to detect vulnerabilities for autism as early as possible, so as to intervene with the hope to capitalize on the babies’ brain malleability.”

From Thomas Insel, Director of the National Institute of Mental Health: “For the first time, this study has pinpointed what grabs the attention of toddlers with ASDs [autism spectrum disorders]. In addition to potential uses in screening for early diagnosis, this line of research holds promise for development of new therapies based on redirecting visual attention in children with these disorders.”

From Geraldine Dawson, Chief Science Officer for Autism Speaks: “These findings could potentially be useful in detecting infants at risk for autism very early in life. It is important to use therapeutic strategies for children with autism that help draw their attention to people, including their facial expressions, and gestures.”

So let me see if I have this straight. This young autistic girl and her study group cohorts helped open the researchers eyes to the fact that autistic individuals do not have randomly damaged perception, but instead respond positively, consistently and usefully to a particular form of stimulus in their environment, and the researcher’s only response to this discovery is to suggest forcible removal of the preferred form of perception from autistic children and to offer instead mass substitution of the one type of stimulus autistic children have markedly demonstrated they do not respond to. Absolutely amazing. If I were to suggest that non-autistic children could be greatly improved by forcibly redirecting them away from biological and social stimuli and towards a non-stop bombardment of pattern-based perceptions while their brains were still malleable enough to be re-formed, I would be derided for both my folly and my cruelty. But somehow, when the corresponding approach is suggested for autistic children, that is considered the height of scientific insight!

If we could just capture stupidity on point-light displays, then I am sure autism research scientists would show a 100% preference for exactly those images.



I hope one day, after that articulate autistic girl has had time to grow up and come to understand the blind-aping world in which she lives, she manages to track down those so-called scientists Klin, Insel, and Dawson, and in the literal manner autistic individuals are apt to prefer, gives them the back of her hand. The intellectual and moral bankruptcy of the autism research community has reached an all-time peak.

Friday, May 1, 2009

Naturally Hilarious

I often feel compelled to poke fun at the autism research community, but sometimes I have to wonder why I bother, since that community does such an excellent job of making itself look ludicrous.

Case in point: this week's “big” autism research news (not to be confused—although it is admittedly hard to do—with all the previous weeks' big autism research news) is occasioned by the publication of two articles in the journal Nature (Common genetic variants on 5p14.1 associate with autism spectrum disorders (Wang, et al., 2009) and Autism genome-wide copy number variation reveals ubiquitin and neuronal genes (Glessner, et al., 2009)), along with all the ballyhooed press releases that inevitably accompany such weekly big news. In these two articles, the authors put forth their latest findings on genetic risk factors that “likely” account for autism: a barely significant genetic variant found at 5p14.1 (different of course from all the previously announced and much ballyhooed genetic variants), and a mixed bag of copy number variations (different of course from all the previously announced and much ballyhooed copy number variations). We can rest assured, however, that these particular genetic breakthroughs are of great importance—even if by my count they bump the number of such genetic breakthroughs well into the hundreds—because we have the assurance of all the authors and several leading experts that these breakthroughs account for as much as 15% of all autism cases, which means (adding this percentage to the percentage of autism cases accounted for by all the previously announced genetic risk factor breakthroughs) the autism genetic research community has now managed to account for as much as 7000% of all autism cases. Well, yes indeed, that would be a cause for celebration—and of course more press releases.

To get a sense of just how much of a caricature all this autism genetic breakthrough news has become, note that Mark Blaxill—he of SafeMinds and Age of Autism fame—has quite nicely and quite accurately poked a hole in this latest celebration balloon by simply resorting to some simple common sense—and this from a man who does not possess any common sense! If that alone does not give the Nature studies' authors a profound sense of shame, I am not sure what will.

But it gets more laughable still, for now we come to the matter of Geraldine Dawson, Chief Science Officer of Autism Speaks. Dr. Dawson, as it turns out, is a co-author on both the Nature articles (which, as I will discuss below, is not quite the statistical fluke it would seem). What is amazing to me is how Dr. Dawson's name keeps popping up week after week under the heading of so many widely varying autism research ideas. As was discussed here, Dr. Dawson has recently celebrated nearly all the vastly different autism research achievements published in the year 2008, highlighting the great hope and the great promise to be found in all sorts of studies attributing autism to such things as genetic location 16p11.2, pesticides and insecticides, as well as the birth months of April, June and October. But then again...in early 2009, Dr. Dawson has reappeared as the co-author of a paper lending support to hyperactive amygdalas as the definitive explanation behind the mysteries of autism. And now this week...Dr. Dawson has come out as lending her support to genetic location 5p11.4 and a new batch of copy number variations. Talk about hedging one's bets! I get the feeling that although Dr. Dawson is not certain which big autism breakthrough is going to win its research team the Nobel Prize, Dr. Dawson has become absolutely convinced she needs to be associated with that team.

To be honest, I am going to have to quit mocking Dr. Dawson over her profligate support of each and every autism discovery that comes down the pike, because quite frankly it has become tedious. Let me end with an obvious conclusion: whatever autism's big research news might happen to be next week (and the week after that, and the week after that, and the week...), we can rest assured Dr. Dawson will somehow be found nearby, hovering at the edges of the celebration, all too happy to have lent a supporting word and, of course, her co-authorship.

And yet, as hard as this might be to believe, I have saved the most ridiculous feature of the two Nature articles for last. The most ridiculous feature is that the first article has 56 co-authors and the second article has 59 co-authors. You read that correctly—56 and 59 (although come to think of it, you might want to check my arithmetic—it is difficult for me to count that high without making a mistake). When I first noted this exponentially increasing trend of piled-on co-authorship in autism research papers, and challenged the autism research community to create an article in which the list of authors was longer than the report itself, how was I to know the autism research community would take me so seriously! But indeed, that community is now coming nearer and nearer to its goal, because this time, I actually had to get out a ruler and measure the print to be sure. Alas, even disregarding the lengthy list of references (fifty-some authors citing their own works does take up a bit of space) and disregarding the equally lengthy list of acknowledgements (although tell me, exactly how much work is required to merit an acknowledgement in one of these papers, given that such work does not qualify for even 1/59th of the authorship credit)—even disregarding all these tacked-on supplements, the list of authors still does not quite exceed the length of the report itself. Sorry, folks, thanks for playing, better luck next time! (For its next effort, might I suggest the autism research community try reducing the size of the report's charts and graphs, or better yet, strive to achieve the century mark in co-authorship—a feat which, at the rates things are going, can certainly be attained by later this year.)



Yes indeed, Nature was certainly the correct place to publish these two articles, for they are naturally hilarious.

Extraordinary

Mark Blaxill has written an extraordinary piece for the Age of Autism web site entitled Latest Autism Gene Studies Find...Not Very Much. If one ignores the unconvincing and completely unnecessary smears of Paul Offit and the Children's Hospital of Philadelphia, what remains is a mostly cogent, well-supported argument for why the two recent publications in the journal Nature (Common genetic variants on 5p14.1 associate with autism spectrum disorders (Wang, et al., 2009) and Autism genome-wide copy number variation reveals ubiquitin and neuronal genes (Glessner, et al., 2009)) should be taken with a very large grain of salt. Mr. Blaxill's examples are on point, are well-documented, and through them he manages to debunk nearly all the hoopla surrounding the Nature articles and to place these articles in a more critical and useful light. He accomplishes all this by applying just some simple common sense.

Except...

Where in the hell did Mr. Blaxill acquire any common sense? This is the same man who most assuredly informs us that autism is caused by vaccines and other environmental toxins, and will answer our skepticism by calling us liars, morons and shills. If we hold our ground, and insist upon some tangible corroboration, he will trot out unpublished study after unpublished study, each one more fantastical than the previous, each one not a worthy enough companion for any genetics-based stretch of credulity that might be found on the pages of Nature. The same man who rightly points out that when one genetic study implicates 16p11.2 as the likely risk locus for autism, and the next study implicates 5p14.1 as the likely risk locus for autism, and the next study implicates fill-in-the-blank as the likely risk locus for autism, then perhaps all this talk about genetic risk loci for autism is not quite as promising as it first appears—this is the very same man who one day claims it is thimerosal that definitively causes autism, the next day claims it is the measles virus that definitively causes autism, the next day claims it must be aluminum that definitively causes autism...the common illogical thread apparently lost on him. Extraordinary.



If Mr. Blaxill really wishes to engage in some common sense thinking, might I suggest he begin by examining the connection linking the autism genetic studies he so thoroughly excoriates, and the autism-vaccine hypothesis he most assuredly espouses. Each approach begins with the assumption that autism is a dreadful disease, a terrible disorder, something in need of being cured, destroyed, eradicated. If Mr. Blaxill really wants to discover where all the autism woo begins—and I mean all the woo—there can be found a common starting point.